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Embeds 0 No embeds. No notes for slide. Description this book Paperback. If you want to download this book, click link in the last page 5. You just clipped your first slide! Clipping is a handy way to collect important slides you want to go back to later. Now customize the name of a clipboard to store your clips. Visibility Others can see my Clipboard. Both the army units aligned with the Hadi camp and the various security forces being built by the UAE in Aden are per cent southern.

With the exception of northern Hadramout province, there are no northerners with guns in the south. The south may be internally divided, but most factions say they want to build southern state institutions. This is the common narrative that unites them, even as they struggle for control over how to reach that goal.

If there is anything I take away with me from Aden, it is a new awareness of this fundamental fault line. It goes deep.

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South Yemen was an independent socialist state from to Throughout the period after it unified with the North, southerners chafed at what they saw as northern domination. Southern separatists fought and lost a brief war for independence in Southern separatist sentiment has grown since then, through the flawed post-Saleh transition plan, the Houthi takeover of Sanaa, the civil war and the Saudi-led intervention to reinstall Hadi.

At the same time, the internal power struggles within the south are evident to all and are effectively becoming a war within a war. It just does not make sense that the Houthis and the Hadi government are the only two actors that can negotiate a ceasefire or begin to solve the more complicated problems that led to the civil war in the first place.

They both have a role, but so do an array of new actors on the ground, and also external parties. Heading back to the airport, I feel again it is absolutely essential to deal with Yemen as it is on the ground and to understand these local aspirations and new power structures. My two dozen in-depth interviews have given me new ideas about how to improve the situation immediately. When I board the Yemenia flight back to Cairo, the aircraft is once again only two-thirds full. I sit next to a family, an older gentleman, his wife and her older sister. They have made the treacherous drive from Sanaa, a north-south journey only the dedicated or desperate attempt any more.

They say the trip took seventeen hours — it should only take six or seven — in part because as northerners they have so much trouble at checkpoints.

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  • Two Times Two Countries Cool For Qat A Yemeni Journey?

But they have no choice. Aden and Sayoun in Hadramout are the only two cities with an airport from which civilians can leave the country. From the air, I can spot the places where I had earlier seen the flag of the pre state, now a symbol of southern independence, painted on the remains of bombed-out buildings. She concludes that isolating one side or making the famine and suffering worse will only prolong the war.

I have spent five months lining up approvals and security protocols for my trip.

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It is my first journey back since I left four days before a Saudi-led coalition, supported by the U. War damage is evident as we descend to land. We taxi to the shrapnel-shredded terminal building, which is completely deserted, a far cry from the bustling crossroads that I remember. Since peace talks broke down in August , only humanitarian flights organised by the UN are making it to Sanaa each week.

One lone bus pulls up to deposit a hand-full of passengers in the empty terminal.

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I on the other hand am greeted by a member of Ansar Allah aka the Huthi movement and a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Sanaa, both there to ensure that there are no entry problems for the one visitor from America and an international non-governmental organisation on the flight. As I drive into town, though, I am in for a surprise. Superficially, the city seems in roughly the shape I left it in, crowded, noisy and full of life.

There is a traffic jam in Tahrir Freedom Square — clearly petrol is making its way in. People are going about their daily lives: the streets seem vibrant, stores are open, and there is food on the shelves. My driver tells me that the city is more crowded than usual because it is absorbing the internally displaced from surrounding combat zones.

Compared to other areas of the north, I am constantly reminded that Sanaa has suffered the least from Saudi-led coalition bombings and by the growing threat of famine. Areas like Hodeida, Saada and Hajja, I am told, are far worse.

Cool for Qat: A Yemeni Journey: Two Countries, Two Times

I feel safe, even traveling in a regular taxi. But there are remarkably few checkpoints in the city and little overt security presence on the streets. There is even some silver lining to the hardship. The reality of constant blackouts has inspired new innovations and many homes and businesses have gone green.

There are more solar panels than I remember. As I get my bearings, though, I see the buildings that have been bombed, often flattened in the middle of a crowded urban setting. I visit the site several days into the trip to witness the damage first-hand. Faded pictures of those who lost their lives in the inferno that day line the gate.

A Yemeni Journey Two Times Two Countries Cool For Qat

I see the picture of a friend and respected local leader, Abdul Qadir Hilal. He would have been one of the first I would have visited on this trip to learn of the prospects for a settlement. But he, and so many others I relied on for insights in the past, are either dead, living abroad or based in other parts of this divided country. Strikes on the homes of GPC officials in particular are often in densely populated neighbourhoods, making collateral damage inevitable. In each place, I hear about casualties: a next-door family of six being wiped out, a young girl killed, a mother burned to death.

During the six days I am in town there are no air raids. From time to time, I hear the far-away roar of reconnaissance planes. My Yemeni friends, now keenly aware of their presence, point them out to me. A few days after I leave, they bomb again, hitting, as they mostly do, the same military installations in the mountains around the city. I see no lines of people queuing for food. Bakeries and restaurants are still open, and there are fruits and vegetables in the stands. Poverty has always been present in the city, but there are many more people than I remember picking through piles of rubbish, looking for something to eat or sell.

Everyone I spoke to soon broached the subject of economic difficulties: politicians, friends, guards, taxi drivers, hotel workers, and seemingly every chance acquaintance. People talk of spending down their savings. Landlords say they are not collecting rent because renters cannot pay.